At the same time, the command staff of the army was represented by officers from the Albanians and Greeks.

At the same time, the command staff of the army was represented by officers from the Albanians and Greeks.

Moreover, it should be emphasized that Przemyśl priests, whose creative abilities were not very high, followed the example of Kharkiv romantics.

The most prominent among the representatives of the Przemyśl group was Ivan Mohylnytsky, a high-ranking church hierarch who was in charge of primary education in the diocese.

In 1816, with the support of his superior, Bishop Mykhailo Levitsky, Mohylnytsky organized the so-called "Clerical Society," which aimed to prepare and disseminate simple religious texts in Ukrainian among the peasants. In the context of the then prevailing Polonophile tendencies, such a step was perceived as something unorthodox. Of course, Mohylnytsky and his associates were guided not only by Herder’s ideas or the example of Eastern Ukrainians; Their important reasoning was that, using Polish books, peasants could convert to Roman Catholicism.

And although the efforts of the society, which resulted in the publication of several prayer books and primers, bore modest fruit, and it soon disintegrated, its appearance is noteworthy, as it was the first attempt of the Ukrainian intelligentsia – both on the Right Bank and Left Bank Ukraine – to organize and more importantly, to draw attention to the language issue, which will remain the main issue of the Western Ukrainian intelligentsia for decades to come. However, trying to "improve" the local dialect, Mohylnytsky insisted on using it with numerous Church Slavonic admixtures. The resulting artificial language hybrid did little to disprove allegations that the Ukrainian language was unsuitable for literary use.

In addition to the Przemyśl circle, in the 1820s there were several Western Ukrainian scholars who, like collectors and antiquarians, collected materials on the history of Eastern Galicia and its folklore. Among the representatives of this small group were historians Mykhailo Harasevych and Denys Zubrytsky, as well as grammarians and ethnographers Yosyp Levytsky and Yosyp Lozynsky. However, written in German, Latin or Polish, their works had a limited impact.

"Russian Trinity"

In the 1830s, the center of activities aimed at awakening national consciousness moved to Lviv, where young idealistic and enthusiastic seminarians entered the arena, led by Markiyan Shashkevych, a 21-year-old boy with poetic and organizational talent. Together with two close comrades – the highly educated Ivan Vahylevych and the energetic Yakov Holovatsky – he formed a circle, later called the "Russian Trinity".

In 1832, they organized a group of students who set themselves the goal of elevating the Ukrainian dialect, freed from Church Slavonic and foreign-language "sophistication", to the level of literary language. Only in this way, in their opinion, could the peasantry be given access to knowledge that would help ease their fate and allow Ukrainians to express their centuries-old oppressed individuality.

For Greek Catholic hierarchs, the very idea of ​​writing in the simple, unchanging language of the peasantry and the simplified Cyrillic alphabet seemed unheard of. They made it clear to Shashkevych and his comrades that they should not count on the help of the church in their work. But support, however, came from Russian Ukraine, where the Russian Trinity has established contacts with Ukrainophiles such as Izmail Sreznevsky, Mykhailo Maksymovych and Yosyp Bodyansky. And from the West they were inspired by the example of the growing Czech national movement. With the help of the Czech intellectual Karel Zappa, who served in the Galician administration, Trinity and especially Golovatsky entered into active correspondence with such experienced "awakeners of the people" and ardent Slavophiles as the Slovaks Jan Kolar and Pavel Shafaryk, the Slovene Bartolomej Kopitar and the Czech Karel Hawliczek.

To implement its plans, the "Russian Trinity" decided to publish an almanac "Mermaid of the Dniester" that would contain folk songs, poems, historical articles in the local dialect. When the publication of the almanac became known to the Greek Catholic hierarchs, they condemned it as "unworthy, obscene and possibly subversive." At the same time, the chief of the German police in Lviv noted: "We already have enough trouble with one nation, and these madmen here want to revive the long-dead and buried Ruthenian people."

The local censor and Greek Catholic priest Benedict Levitsky banned the publication of the almanac in Lviv, so in 1837 Shashkevych and his comrades were forced to publish it in faraway Budapest. Of the 900 copies brought to Lviv, almost all were confiscated by the police. Only a small part fell into the hands of skeptical audiences. Disappointed by this reaction and persecuted by the church authorities, Markiyan Shashkevych died at a young age; Vahylevych later moved to a Polish camp; and only Golovatsky consistently and relentlessly continues to work to achieve the goals of the "Russian Trinity."

Although the publication of "Mermaid of the Dniester" failed from the very beginning, it was an important precedent, which showed that the language of the Ukrainian peasantry can be used as a literary language. Under the influence of the "Mermaid of the Dniester", a slow but inevitable process of reorientation to the Ukrainian masses will begin a new generation of Western Ukrainian intellectuals, a generation that will recruit most of its members from the people.


N. Yakovenko. Essay on the history of Ukraine. From ancient times to the end of the XVIII century. -K., 1977. Handbook of Ukrainian history. For order. IV Horseshoes, RM Shusta. View. in 3 volumes. –T. I. –K., 1993; –T. 2. –K., 1995; –T. 3. –K., 1999.V. F. Verstyuk, OM Dzyuba, VF Reprintsev. History of Ukraine from ancient times to the present. Chronological reference book. –K., 1995.


History of Ukraine: Greek (Albanian) Cossack army of 1775-1859. Abstract

Historiography of the problem of the existence of the Greek (Albanian) army is presented today only by brief reports of reference nature, so the development and publication of documents on its history is necessary

After the end of the Russo-Turkish War of 1768-1774, the Russian government withdrew the Baltic Squadron from the Archipelago. Many Greeks, who were to experience Turkish repression for aiding the Russians during the fighting, appealed to the government of Catherine II to grant them Russian citizenship. They received permission from the Russian government to settle in the Crimea near the fortresses of Kerch and Yenikale and in the territory of the future Yalta district. In exchange for land, material assistance and protection, the Empire received experienced subjects in navigation, trade and handicrafts.

It should be noted that not all Greeks and Albanians who emigrated to Russia joined the Albanian army. The section examines the history of military service of some of the settlers who were part of this formation in the last quarter of the XVIII century.

According to the "Zemsky Greek Settlers’ Establishment" of March 28, 1775, Greeks who wished to move to Russia or had already moved there were given the following benefits and guarantees:

First, due to the lack of land near the Kerch and Enikal fortresses, it was decided to provide the Greek settlers with five settlements near Taganrog, 100 yards each, at the rate of 1 yard for 4 males for 60 tithes (for ordinary settlers) … The settlers were exempted from paying taxes for 20 years, after which they had to pay 2.5 kopecks to the treasury. for a tithe of land annually. Secondly, the construction of houses, hospitals, churches, shops, barracks, gymnasiums: for the displaced to be carried out at public expense. Third, each of the settlers had to receive a single 12 rubles. and food for a year for the military staff. In addition, the Russian government handed over fishing plants to the Greeks and gave them the right to trade throughout the country without any restrictions.

Greeks who served in Russian troops during the war of 1768-1774 were generally exempt from paying trade dues. The settlers were given the right to facilitate the deportation of Greeks, Bulgarians, and Albanians to Russia, and for each deported family the agent received 5 rubles from the treasury. Some provisions of the document also concerned the conditions of Greek military service to protect the new borders of the Russian Empire.

Among the problematic issues that arise when studying the history of the army are the problem of determining the exact time of the creation of the Albanian army and the question of the affiliation of the so-called "Albanian Division" to the Cossack troops of the Russian Empire. In this regard, we note that the nature of the benefits provided to Albanians and their families, allows to include the army in the Cossacks; This is confirmed by the fact that the collection "Cossack troops" provides information about the military service of Albanians as Cossacks. Today it can be argued that the process of legal and factual registration of the formation lasted from March 28, 1775 to August-September 1776, when the Albanian (Greek) teams began to perform military service.

Based on the above provisions, battalions of the Albanian army were to be formed according to the staffs of regular units of the Russian army. At the same time, the command staff of the army was represented by officers from the Albanians and Greeks. In peacetime, the army was under the jurisdiction of the governor of the Azov province, and during hostilities was under the command of senior military officials appointed by the Military Board. The staffing of the troops provided for the voluntary entry and recruitment, if necessary, of an increase in its number, of the people of the Greek and Albanian nations in the Russian provinces and abroad (Greece, Albania, Dalmatia, etc.).

After demobilization, most often of their own volition, privates of the Albanian army had to return to their homes and enlist in the merchant or bourgeoisie. Army officers were generally given the right to retire without having their pensions retained.

At all times, the military of the Albanian teams had to carry out garrison guard service in the Taganrog fortress. Only during the opening of hostilities could units of the Albanian army be transferred to other areas in accordance with the requirements of wartime.

The Zemsky board in the settlements where the teams were recruited provided for the presence of the following officials in each settlement: